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From Serbia to Estonia: New Media and New Europe

Five years ago, and about a year after the fifth of October revolution, in the period which politically I could call the most optimistic, I was invited to write a text for Vreme. This was a section where various personalities could suggest activities they were familiar with, fond of, found inspiring or intersecting. I wrote: “Suggestion for a Campaign: Strategy for the Skeptical”, that is on the topic “Europe Should be Advertised”. More precisely, it should be added, be advertised in the way other products are, with the stratification of the market and alike.
In this text from the year 2001, I wrote: “Despite of occasional exalted titles in newspapers, usually after some meeting of domestic officials with the European diplomats, who claim that Yugoslavia will soon enter the European Union, this day is still very far away. Of course, there is also a question whether the term ‘Yugoslavia’ will be still be current. These very same papers gave up during the last year earlier trend of reporting Europe (“Yugoslavia is Again Carrying the Light of Freedom in Enslaved Europe” of “European House is on Shaky Grounds”). However, there is still a lack (with some notable exceptions) of efforts to explain better the nature, principles and values of European integrations. So far, European Union here mainly stands for potential door, supporter of weakened economy, schools and hospitals with poor conditions, and provider of cheaper sugar. All this is not negligible; but will not last. Simply, EU is not to play the role of everybody’s rich relative from abroad.”
In the remaining part of the text had been presented the pro-EU campaign in Hungary, here I quote just a part of it: “Hungarian government, with the EU support, since 1996 has been carrying campaign ‘How to Sell EU to the Hungarians”. For, to be the part of integrated Europe is both nice and useful, but also has its price. Some need a little bit of catchy and persuasive advertisement, others want to be convinced that they buy a product of the highest quality that does not have substitute. Hungarian experts came to five primary target groups of this campaign: 1) the biggest potential winners of the EU integration, that is, business elite; 2) the biggest losers – village population. These two groups are followed by those that will either mostly have contact with the EU, or will influence its popularization, i.e.: 3) public administration; 4) young people; 5) creators of ideas and ideologies: teachers, media experts, researchers.”
The conclusion of the texts was “Whether we think that Belgrade is more Vienna than Budapest, some advertising of Europe would not do harm. We have never lacked skeptics here.”
What has happened after?
First, just after the text had been published, appeared a slogan by a foreign bank that strongly resembled the last sentence of my text, including this metaphoric line Belgrade-Budapest-Vienna (Something like: It is not important whether is more similar to Vienna than Budapest, but…our bank…). I have never learnt if this had been just a coincidence.
As far as media are concerned, general situation have worsened during these five years. Politically, there is also far less optimism.
Political tabloids that have appeared during the last several years launch constantly scandals and numerous contradictory and non-grounded accusations of opposing political blocks. Other media outlets have numerous financial and professional problems.
Europe and European Union are frequent topics among politicians, economists and in the media, but the general quality of EU reporting is rather low, while targeted pro-EU campaign does not exist. As for the politics, cooperation with the Hague Tribunal has not yet been successfully concluded, which is one of the conditions to continue interrupted negotiations about the Stabilization and association process with the European Union. The status of Kosovo has not yet been solved either. Although opinion polls show that the support for EU membership is very high, the dated of possible Serbian formal entry into the family of European nations is still very far. Experience from the countries that joined European Union in 2004 tells that this support decreases as the integration process tackles issues that are more difficult. General political skepticism in the country is high. It is strengthened by political instability (in 2003 was assassinated the first democratically elected, reforms oriented Prime Minister, trial is still in the process, burdened with pressures and obstructions, while radical political forces are on the rise, along with corruption and other scandals); unemployment is high, and the standard of living is low. Citizens of Serbia can barely travel to any European country without visas, and they are very difficult to obtain. Situation in politics and media is such that it discourages support for necessary reforms, which are often difficult and demanding. Moreover, they are tightly linked to the processes of European integration.
Let me return once again to the facts from the above mentioned newspaper article. In the meantime (in 2003), Yugoslavia was transformed into co federal union of Serbia and Montenegro, while in 2006 Montenegro voted its independence. Weakened economy is in better shape than half a decade earlier, while cheaper sugar is no more provided by the European Union. EU still supports schools and hospitals.
Media, being on one hand insufficiently professional, and on the other insufficiently responsible, strengthen euro skepticism, already met by numerous new EU members. However, proper approach of the media towards reforms, and the development of new media on the Internet, could create reporting about reforms and European integration much more efficient and effective.
I will present it on the case of Estonia and its media, along with the discussion of the situation with media in Serbia and suggestions for its improvement, likewise for the creation of new media strategies and new (citizen) media.
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The changes in Estonia society were fast and radical, compared to most of the other countries in Central Europe during the 1990s, writes Professor Peeter Vihalemm in his text “Changing Media in Changing Society” (http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qa3996/is_200310/ai_n9310214). What is most important, he also writes, political climate in the country was formed by the expectation o success. Even growing dissatisfaction and disappointment with some results of reforms, by the end of the previous decade, could not harm generally optimistic atmosphere.
In the first period of transition, Estonian media played important, eve decisive role in forming and the results of massive national movement. Surveys from that period show astonishing media consumption in that period. According to the data from the Tartu University, an average Estonian read 12 different dailies and weeklies.
According to different media experts, in many post-communist countries media became pluralized, but not politically independent. Slavko Splihal calls this phenomenon ‘Italianization of the media.’ However, this was not the case in Estonia. Journalists in Estonia were quite successful in separating themselves and their work from the state organs, and in gaining political autonomy. Still, this does not mean that the state completely restrained itself from indirect pressures.
After 1991 and gaining independence from the Soviet Union, criteria for the selection of news rapidly changed. Politics were not that interesting any more, and journalists tried to attract readers by opening political scandals and corruption.
Estonian media helped in creating radical changes in society. They promoted pluralism, competition in politics and economy, and supported the whole concept of shock therapy carried by the first reformist government. Estonian journalists strongly backed liberalization and radical reforms (at least until 2000), not because they were controlled or because politicians manipulated them, as some think, but because liberal concept was in line with their beliefs and principles. One of the main reasons for domination of liberal views in Estonian media during the 1990s was generational change that has happened among journalists. Soon after democratic revolution in the country, older journalists retired or found jobs in other professions, while journalistic positions mainly took younger people.
Because of the predominance of pro-reform liberal views, the picture in the media during the initial period of transition was not fully objective. Some large social groups were not equally present in public debate. The losers of transition could not express their views. In a way, they were marginalized as people who failed to manage their lives in newly created circumstances, or as those who oppose fast reforms. Majority of citizens, however, supported radical reforms at the beginning of 1990s, surveys showed. They believed that those were the way to avoid economic influence of Russia, and to gain economic stability. While the Russian troops still had been on the Estonia territory, it was easy to stigmatize leftist politicians as supporters of pro-Moscow politics.
When selling advertising space started to be increasingly important source of income for the media, their contents were becoming more commercialized, sometimes at the expense of journalistic standards. Despite that, media had important role in preparing public for new political and economic circumstances.
End of the 90s brought new feature to the world of communications in Estonia: Rapid expansion of the Internet. According to various sources, Estonia is a country with the highest number of Internet users in Central and Eastern Europe. In the autumn of 2002, percentage of Internet users among Estonians reached 43 percent, more than in many old EU members. (In late 2005, the percentage rose up to almost fifty).
Increased use of new media technologies contributed in further fragmentation of the public, but also stimulated political debate. Online comments related to politics, EU debate, and discussions about hot topics involved in media life young people who previously have never been very eager to participate in politics.
The new media environment stimulated politicians to participate in an active way. They started to provide information about political parties and governmental institutions through the web sites. The law on Public Information from 2000 contributed in the development of electronic public sphere. According to that Law, all public institutions are obliged to publish on the Web all laws and regulation, along with the information related to the use of public funds and alike.
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In Serbia, during the Milosevic’s regime, media that were outside of the control of the government were called alternative or independent. Their influence and circulations were rising throughout the previous decade. In the period preceding political changes in the country, they were considered among the main pillars of democratization. Those that had been under control resembled more bulletins of some conspiracy group, than real media outlets. After the fall of Milosevic, the situation changed completely. At first, all media supported newly elected DOS coalition, and with optimism covered reforms carried and the future of the country in general. However, this situation had lasted for rather short period, just like short-lived was unity of the winning coalition. When it had split, the media divided their support for one of the groups (that of Djindic or Kostunica). Certainly, there were exceptions – those who tried to remain objective. However, generally speaking, after negative experience from the period of the Milosevic government and its control of the media, in new circumstances the media were overtly critical toward reforms oriented Djindjic government. Also, there are fairly clear indications that some media were under influence of some political and even criminal circles that on the agenda had opposing the Djindjic government and its activities, very brave in some areas (economy, cooperation with the Hague Tribunal – arresting Milosevic, for example). The new government, on its part, did not accomplish much in regulating inherited chaotic situation in the media. Vladan Radosavljevic wrote in 2002 for the online media magazine from Bosnia and Herzegovina (www.mediaonline.ba): “The most characteristic feature of the situation in media sphere in Serbia in the previous year is the fact that the government apparently avoids to carry any media policy, while media and public tolerate the status quo.” In the meantime some laws that should regulate media domain were passed, among them the Law on Access to Information of Public Importance. However, there are problems in their enforcing.
“Serbian journalists interviewed in 2005 almost with the same words as in 2003 research, and with lots of negative emotions describe situation in the media as bad, catastrophic, degraded, humiliated, and never worse. Burdened by appalling financial situation and unsatisfactory social status, our respondents are mainly seemingly indifferent, but in essence with indignation view all perceived negative trends with media in transitional Serbia.” This quotation is just a part of the assessment of the situation regarding media and journalists in Serbia, taken from the study “Ethics and Journalism in Southeastern Europe” (2005), initiated by the Media Center from Belgrade, in cooperation with similar institutions in the region and organization South-East European Network for the Professionalization of the Media (SEENP).
Nacional, the first political tabloid in Serbia, was banned during the State of Emergency, which was introduced after the assassination of the Prime Minister Djindjic in 2003. Explanation was that the paper ‘disrespected regulation on information during the State of Emergency and doubts that its contributors or publishers were in contact with the criminal group” (Politika, March 20, 2003). Nevertheless, after the State of Emergency, and until the present, there have been appearing numerous new tabloids, some of them with big circulation. Such papers mainly speak to the losers of transition, those unsatisfied and disappointed. Their contents are political, but presented in very light way, with the goal to dramatize social and political events. Their rhetoric is aggressive, and they use language and photographs that go beyond public decency.
As far as readership of the press is concerned, according to the data of Strategic Marketing poll from late 2005, only something above 40 percent of people in Serbia read daily papers every day. Those that do not read them, say that the reason is that they are not interested.
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Since general situation in Serbian media will not improve that fast, and since media in the countries that have already joined EU have had problems in reporting EU integrations (incomplete, without full understanding of the situation, with lot of technicalities and the lack of everyday examples), it is worth thinking about new ways of reporting. Or of the new media.
According to Dan Gillmor, founder of the Center for Citizen Media and author of the book “We the Media”, ‘the democratization of the tools and the distribution of journalism – the idea that anyone can do it”, could be defining features of the media for the time to come.
This kind of media is still rare in Serbia, as is still underdeveloped real Internet presence of print and broadcasting media. In addition, the percentage of citizens with the access to the Internet is low – approximately 16 percent, according to various surveys.
Worldwide, in the time of constant strengthening of alternative online media, official/commercial media of all types cannot but present their work on the Internet in as efficient, effective and innovative way. They are also continuously creating contents exclusively for the Internet, along with those already published in their print and broadcasting editions. Similarly, they are finding ways to include alternative media in their own work and are making connections with blogs, portals, forums – those already existing, or those created solely for them.
Concerning alternative web media in Serbia, it would be useful to develop in the near future interestingly presented contents related to culture, environment, local communities, marginal groups, new technologies and anything people are interested in, but is underrepresented in traditional and commercial media. Among such topics should be also European integration, which is, in essence, the sum of all these so-called small topics, along with politics, economy, and legislation. European integration is also the sum of all that people could say about it, and which could be efficiently articulated through the online media, who are still mainly free from economic and political influences.
This possibly sounds too abstract. That is also how Estonia sounds in Serbia. Even those usually most informed, when asked what they know about Estonia, say: ‘an ex USSR republic, maybe somewhere on the North?’; ‘I think that Talin is the capital, or not?’ Despite that, Estonia is for more than two years already member of the European Union, that most citizens of Serbia aspire to, and is European super power in informatics. Skype, online tool for Internet conversations, very popular among Serbs in the country and diasporas, is made in Estonia.
In online civic journalism nowadays, it is possible to earn some funding necessary to operate, or even to earn. It is possible to place ads: either those content related, or classic banners. Another option is to find investors, which was the case with the site of Enthusiast Group (http://www.enthusiastgroup.com), made for the fans of sports and work out. This group found 11 investors; it was announced in May this year. Steve Outing, founder of this site, stated at the occasion: “Only the stars of any sport get media attention. But everyday athletes and sports participants deserve coverage, too. They should have a media outlet of their own.” This is exactly what his web site is about and what investors put their money in. And such small and big topics are countless, as could be (online) media, web sites and blogs, that cover them. In just the same way could be covered topics related to the European Union and European integrations, because in such a way Europe becomes (not only in Serbia) what its citizens make out of it, and how they describe and picture it for the future.